Dependent plurals and three levels of multiplicity

Abstract The paper focuses on the semantics of distributivity, grammatical number, and cardinality predicates (numerals modifiers like several ). I argue that constructions involving so-called ‘dependent plurals’, i.e. plurals lacking occurring in scope certain quantificational items such as all most (e.g. All girls were wearing hats ), pose a challenge to familiar semantic frameworks distinguish between two sources multiplicity: mereological plurality distributive quantification. dependent plural readings should be analysed distinct both from cumulative readings, classical sense. demonstrate how this can accomplished framework where expressions are evaluated relative sets assignments, or info states (van den Berg, Stokhof Torenvliet (eds) Proceedings 7th Amsterdam Colloquium, ILLC, University Amsterdam, 1990, Dekker 9th 1994, Some aspects Internal Structure Discourse. Dynamics Nominal Anaphora. PhD thesis, 1996). specific formal implementation is based modified version Brasoveanu’s (Structured nominal modal reference. Rutgers, State New Jersey, 2007, Linguist Philos 31(2):129–209. 10.1007/s10988-008-9035-0 , 2008) Plural Compositional DRT. In we able types distributivity: weak distributivity across assignments single state strong multiple states. these play role natural language, accounting for contrasting properties ‘singular quantifiers’, each every ‘plural . bare terms distinction state-level assignment-level (mereological) plurality.